Truth Through Combat


July 2002, Clinton State Department spokesman James Rubin hosted a PBS documentary that examined “the nature of the threat posed by Saddam Hussein.”

“Ten years after the Gulf War and Saddam is still there and still continues to stockpile weapons of mass destruction,” Rubin said. “Now there are suggestions he is working with al-Qaida, which means the very terrorists who attacked the United States last September may now have access to chemical and biological weapons.”

Back on Feb. 17, 1998, Clinton – speaking at the Pentagon – warned of the “reckless acts of outlaw nations and an unholy axis of terrorists, drug traffickers and organized international criminals.” He said these “predators of the twenty-first century,” who are America’s enemies, “will be all the more lethal if we allow them to build arsenals of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and missiles to deliver them. We simply cannot allow that to happen. There is no more clear example of this threat than Saddam Hussein’s Iraq.” Later the same spring, Clinton’s Justice Department prepared an indictment of al-Qaida’s leader, Osama bin Laden, in which a prominent passage located in the fourth paragraph reads:

(Clinton said the above in February of 1998-Resolution-71 was passed in January of 1998)

“Al-Qaeda reached an understanding with the government of Iraq that al-Qaeda would not work against that government and that on particular projects, specifically including weapons development, al-Qaeda would work cooperatively with the government of Iraq.”

The U.S. attorney involved in preparing that indictment, Patrick Fitzgerald, told the federal 9/11 Commission that the intelligence surrounding the indictment came from one Jamal al Fadl, a former high-ranking al-Qaida leader who, before the Sept. 11 attacks, gave the U.S. its first real look at the terrorist organization.

Fadl said an associate of bin Laden’s, Mamdouh Mahmud Salim (Abu Hajer al Iraqi) “tried to reach a sort of agreement where they wouldn’t work against each other – sort of ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend’ – and that there were indications that within Sudan when al-Qaeda was there, which al-Qaeda left in the summer of ’96, or the spring of ’96, there were efforts to work on jointly acquiring weapons.”

Within several months, al-Qaida bombed a pair of U.S. embassies in East Africa. In retaliation, Bill Clinton used an Iraq-al-Qaida connection, Hayes said, when he ordered the cruise missile attack on the al Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Sudan.

On Aug. 24, 1998, a “senior intelligence official” was made available by the administration and cited “strong ties between the plant and Iraq” as the basis for the attack.

A day later Thomas Pickering, undersecretary of state for political affairs and one of only a few officials involved in planning the al Shifa strike, confirmed an Iraq-Sudan (and, by proxy, al-Qaida) connection: “We see evidence that we think is quite clear on contacts between Sudan and Iraq. In fact, al Shifa officials, early in the company’s history, we believe were in with Iraqi individuals associated with Iraq’s VX program.”

Five days later, Hayes notes, U.N. Ambassador Bill Richardson (now the governor of New Mexico) made an appearance on CNN, where he talked of “direct evidence of ties between Osama bin Laden” and Sudan’s Military Industrial Corporation.

“You combine that with Sudan support for terrorism, their connections with Iraq on VX, and you combine that, also, with the chemical precursor issue, and Sudan’s leadership support for Osama bin Laden, and you’ve got a pretty clear-cut case.”

Sandy Berger, Clinton’s national security adviser, penned an op-ed for the Washington Times on Oct. 16, 1998. In it he asserted that the administration “had physical evidence indicating that al Shifa was the site of chemical weapons activity.”

“Other products were made at al Shifa,” he continued. “But we have seen such dual-use plants before – in Iraq. And, indeed, we have information that Iraq has assisted chemical weapons activity in Sudan.”

Richard Clarke, the counterterrorism czar for both Clinton and Bush who, in a recent book, laid most of the blame for 9/11 at the feet of the current administration, told the Washington Post in a Jan. 23, 1999, interview that the U.S. was “sure” Iraq was behind the VX precursor being manufactured at the al Shifa plant.

The Post reported: “Clarke said U.S. intelligence does not know how much of the substance was produced at al Shifa or what happened to it. But he said that intelligence exists linking bin Laden to al Shifa’s current and past operators, the Iraqi nerve gas experts, and the National Islamic Front in Sudan.”

Even Clinton’s defense secretary, William Cohen, confirmed the association between Iraq and Sudan in testimony before the 9/11 Commission, Hayes writes. But many of these officials now disclaim any prior knowledge of any Baghdad-Khartoum-bin Laden connection.

Although some of them have changed their opinion in the last two years, in 1998, many key Democrats including President Bill Clinton, Tom Daschle and Richard A. “Dick” Gephardt were supporting the idea of destroying Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction programs, using force if necessary. In February of 1998, former President Clinton remarked “(Hussein’s) regime threatens the safety of his people, the stability of his region, and the security of all the rest of us. Some day, some way, I guarantee you, he’ll use the arsenal. Let there be no doubt, we are prepared to act.” Senate Democrats also passed Resolution 71*, which urged President Clinton to “take all necessary and appropriate actions to respond to the threat posed by Iraq’s refusal to end its weapons of mass destruction programs.” Plans were put on hold when Hussein agreed to allow weapons inspectors back into Iraq. However, in early December of 1998, the British and US governments launched airstrikes against Iraq, codenamed Operation Desert Fox. The US government urged UNSCOM executive chairman Richard Butler to withdraw, and “[a] few hours before the attack began, 125 UN personnel were hurriedly evacuated from Baghdad to Bahrain, including inspectors from the UN Special Commission on Iraq and the International Atomic Energy Agency.[3] (http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,209995,00.html)

Washington Times

During President Clinton’s eight years in office, there were at least two official pronouncements of an alarming alliance between Baghdad and al Qaeda. One came from William S. Cohen, Mr. Clinton’s defense secretary. He cited an al Qaeda-Baghdad link to justify the bombing of a pharmaceutical plant in Sudan.

Mr. Bush cited the linkage, in part, to justify invading Iraq and ousting Saddam. He said he could not take the risk of Iraq’s weapons falling into bin Laden’s hands.

The other pronouncement is contained in a Justice Department indictment on Nov. 4, 1998, charging bin Laden with murder in the bombings of two U.S. embassies in Africa.
The indictment disclosed a close relationship between al Qaeda and Saddam’s regime, which included specialists on chemical weapons and all types of bombs, including truck bombs, a favorite weapon of terrorists.
The 1998 indictment said: “Al Qaeda also forged alliances with the National Islamic Front in the Sudan and with the government of Iran and its associated terrorist group Hezbollah for the purpose of working together against their perceived common enemies in the West, particularly the United States. In addition, al Qaeda reached an understanding with the government of Iraq that al Qaeda would not work against that government and that on particular projects, specifically including weapons development, al Qaeda would work cooperatively with the government of Iraq.”
Shortly after the embassy bombings, Mr. Clinton ordered air strikes on al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan and on the Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Sudan.

To justify the Sudanese plant as a target, Clinton aides said it was involved in the production of deadly VX nerve gas. Officials further determined that bin Laden owned a stake in the operation and that its manager had traveled to Baghdad to learn bomb-making techniques from Saddam’s weapons scientists.

Mr. Cohen elaborated in March in testimony before the September 11 commission.
He testified that “bin Laden had been living [at the plant], that he had, in fact, money that he had put into this military industrial corporation, that the owner of the plant had traveled to Baghdad to meet with the father of the VX program.”

He said that if the plant had been allowed to produce VX that was used to kill thousands of Americans, people would have asked him, ” ‘You had a manager that went to Baghdad; you had Osama bin Laden, who had funded, at least the corporation, and you had traces of [VX precursor] and you did what? And you did nothing?’ Is that a responsible activity on the part of the secretary of defense?”



[Page: S180]

Mr. LOTT (for himself, Mr. Daschle, Mr. McCain, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Helms, Mr. Dodd, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Bryan, Mr. Warner, Mr. Cleland, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Torricelli, Mr. Mack, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Coverdell, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Smith of Oregon, Mr. Moynihan, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Wyden, Mr. Gorton, Mr. Graham, Mr. Faircloth, Mr. Hollings, Ms. Collins, Mr. Akaka, Mr. Inhofe, Mr. Conrad, Mr. Grams, Mr. Robb, Mr. Bennett, Mr. Specter, and Mr. Hagel) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was read twice and ordered placed on the calendar:

S. Con. Res. 71

Whereas hostilities in Operation Desert Storm ended on February 28, 1991, and the cease-fire was codified in United Nations Security Council Resolutions 686 (March 2, 1991) and 687 (April 3, 1991);

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolutions 687 requires that international economic sanctions remain in place until Iraq discloses and destroys its weapons of mass destruction programs and capabilities and undertakes unconditionally never to resume such activities;

Whereas Resolution 687 further established the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) on Iraq to uncover all aspects of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction programs;

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 715, adopted on October 11, 1991, further empowers UNSCOM to maintain a long-term monitoring program to ensure Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction programs are dismantled and not restarted;

Whereas in violation of the 1991 cease-fire agreements and subsequent United Nations Security Council Resolutions, the Iraqi government has repeatedly and deliberately impeded UNSCOM from conducting its mission through concealment, harassment, deception and intimidation;

Whereas despite the sustained opposition of the government of Iraq, UNSCOM has discovered many instances of inaccurate and duplicitous actions by Iraq concerning Iraqi ballistic missile capabilities and chemical and biological weapons programs:

Whereas the United Nations Security Council has repeatedly demanded that Iraq end its obstruction of UNSCOM, including in Resolutions 1060 (June 12, 1996), 1115 (June 21, 1996), 1134 (October 23, 1997) and 1137 (November 12, 1997);

Whereas the work by the leadership and personnel of UNSCOM under difficult and dangerous conditions has been commendable;

Whereas Iraq continues to obstruct the work of UNSCOM by limiting access to sites in Iraq, by restricting the movement of UNSCOM personnel, and by threatening to end all cooperation with UNSCOM;

Whereas Iraq’s continuing weapons of mass destruction programs threaten vital United States interests and international peace and security; and

Whereas the United States has existing authority to defend United States interests in the Persian Gulf region:

Now, therefore, be it resolved that the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring–

(1) Condemns in the strongest possible terms the continued threat to international peace and security posed by Iraq’s refusal to meet its international obligations and end its weapons of mass destruction programs;

(2) Urges the President to take all necessary and appropriate actions to respond to the threat posed by Iraq’s refusal to end its weapons of mass destruction programs; and

(3) Urges the President to work with Congress in furthering a long-term policy aimed at definitively ending the threat to international peace and security posed by the government of Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction programs.

All the above happened on Bill Clinton (Democrats) Watch, they believed through intelligence reports that Iraq had Weapons of Mass Destruction as witness to Resolution 71 and comments by the Clinton Administration member’s.. There is only one difference between the Clinton administration and the Bush administration, 9/11 the trigger that caused the Iraq and Afghanistan invasion’s. President Bush had to act on the intelligence available-the very same intelligence that was briefed to Bill Clinton and his administration, the very same intelligence that triggered Resolution 71.

Anyone with any brains at all should be able to do a little analysis and come up with a logical conclusion. That being the intelligence provided by US/British/German/French/United Nations (they were all on the same page agreeing that WMDS did exist) is what our Government went by in formulating the Invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan

Read Resolution 71 very carefully read over again and again if you have to, in 1998 our government with Bill Clinton at the helm and the Democrats in power agreed that

1. Iraq needed to destroy its WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION

2. Iraq would never take up the production of such again

3. Acknowledged that Iraq had a ballistic weapons program

4. Had chemical and biological weapons

5. Iraq’s WMDS threatened the United States and it’s interest abroad

6.Urged the President to develop a plan of response to said WMD’S production

7. A plan that would end the threat of Iraq’s production of WMD’S

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